Authoritarian Research Articles

Promoting Social Solidarity Economy in Tunisia: Neoliberal Assumptions and Missed Opportunities Within the Triple Nexus Discourse

ABSTRACT Formally launched by the United Nations (UN) in 2016, the so-called Triple Nexus has been adopted by several international donors that have intervened in Tunisia since the fall of its authoritarian regime. Faced with the state's limited capacity to address critical post-revolutionary challenges such as escalating poverty and radicalisation, external actors – spanning multilateral, bilateral and non-governmental organisations – have endeavoured to tackle humanitarian, development and security issues to promote stability and support the fragile democratisation process in the country. In this context, Social Solidarity Economy (SSE) initiatives have gained prominence as a means to concurrently address diverse challenges associated with the ‘lack of social development’, including marginalisation and the absence of social cohesion – identified as catalysts for radicalisation and instability. In contrast with these stated objectives, fieldwork spanning 2015 to 2019 across various regions of Tunisia reveals that the international donor discourse on SSE, entrenched in a neoliberal approach and government securitisation strategies, exacerbates economic insecurity and amplifies marginalisation.

Social Change and Demythologization: (A Reading of Kuntowijoyo's Novels)

This study attempts to read Kuntowijoyo's thoughts in five of his novels, namely Kereta Api yang Berangkat Pagi Hari (KAyBPH, 1966), Pasar (1972), Khotbah di Atas Bukit (KdAB, 1976), Mantra Pejinak Ular (MPU, 2000), and Wasripin dan Satinah (WS, 2003). Through heuristic and hermeneutic readings and analysis using a socio-historical approach, the following results were obtained. First, the five novels contain a common thread of relatively similar issues, namely social change. The first novel emphasizes social change in the village community in the post-war Sala region. It illustrates that the village community is still in the value system of "guyub rukun", although it has been infiltrated by the values of individualism. The second novel emphasizes social change with the setting of a market in Java. It depicts a society that is entering an era of madness (manners are violated, capital owners act exploitatively, government officials work at will); only those who are eling (remembering) and vigilant and understand the role of taste will survive life. The third novel emphasizes the social changes caused by development that is too physical, neglecting spiritual development, so that people lose their grip on life. The fourth novel emphasizes the social changes in the sub-district around Sala under the New Order regime. There is resistance from community members to the party's power, but it is subtle. Furthermore, in the last novel, social changes in the fishing community on the North Coast of Java under the New Order regime are also emphasized. The heavy pressure of socio-economic life gave birth to the myth of Ratu Adil. The treatment of the authoritarian regime was met with strong resistance: the community attacked and killed the security forces who engineered injustice. Secondly, socio-historically, the five novels show the development of problems in Indonesian society. Thirdly, all five novels show the details of the physical location of villages in Java, as well as the socio-cultural values of the people. Fourth, the novels show the author's response to the social life of Indonesian society from the beginning of independence to under the New Order regime.

Navigating the Legal Uncertainty and Informality in Authoritarian Regimes: Legal Culture, Governance and Business Environment in Uzbekistan

Navigating the Legal Uncertainty and Informality in Authoritarian Regimes: Legal Culture, Governance and Business Environment in Uzbekistan

The Impact of the Magna Carta on Medieval English Politics

This research examines the influence of the Magna Carta during the reign of King John, a time characterized by his authoritarian governance and fiscal requisitions. The study examines the impact of the Magna Carta, which arose from the rebellion of the barons against King John. It altered the balance of power by questioning the notion of the divine right of kings and laying the groundwork for the establishment of parliamentary systems and legal changes. The study emphasizes the Magna Cartas significance as not just a legal instrument, but also as a catalyst for change in English political history. The Magna Carta championed individual liberties and laid the foundation for a system of government where representatives are elected and the principle of legal governance is upheld. The research finishes by highlighting the modern relevance of the Magna Carta in government and education, and advocating for a more profound comprehension of its historical and present importance.

Authoritarian multiparty governments

ABSTRACT In 2020, almost 50% of dictatorships included multiple parties in their government. Existing research has not studied this systematically, and generally considers granting outsiders access to ministerial cabinets a risky and costly strategy. This article provides evidence of authoritarian multiparty governments (AMGs) being a global and increasingly common phenomena. We argue that AMGs are a power-sharing strategy whereby autocrats co-opt outsiders through cabinet appointments to divide the opposition and consolidate their rule. Using individual-level data on ministers' partisan affiliation in autocracies worldwide, we show that AMGs positively correlate with ethnic divides, civil war, and “democratic” institutions, and we use new measures of power sharing to demonstrate that coalition partners often exert a real influence through their ministerial mandates. Our findings suggest that AMG is an overlooked survival strategy for autocrats and highlight the need to focus more on the organization and composition of the political executive in autocracies.

Authoritarian Resistance and Judicial Complicity: Turkey and the European Court of Human Rights

Abstract International courts face growing contestations to their authority. Scholars have conceptualized the forms and grounds of such resistance as well as the response of international courts. Much empirical research has focused on regional courts with human rights mandates. Yet, in focusing on overt resistance, not differentiating between authoritarian and democratic regimes, and depicting courts at the receiving end of resistance, scholarship does not account for discrete forms of resistance tolerated and enabled by courts. In addition, studies on the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) base their analyses exclusively on judgments, which constitute a mere 9 per cent of this Court’s jurisprudence. This methodological bias, combined with a time frame limited to the post-2010s when the ECtHR has faced public contestations to its authority, have led to inaccurate and incomplete conclusions regarding the Strasbourg Court’s response to backlash and illiberalism. This article calls for a goal-orientated conceptualization of resistance and a methodology that analyses the ECtHR’s non-judgment jurisprudence in its entirety to reach accurate conclusions on its response to authoritarianism. Based on an in-depth and contextual analysis of the ECtHR-Turkey case, the article puts forth empirically grounded insights on authoritarian resistance and judicial complicity. It argues that authoritarian regimes seek to lessen international courts’ oversight of their policies, not to undermine the authority of these courts as such, and that international courts are not always resilient vis-à-vis authoritarian resistance but can also be complicit with it. The forms of authoritarian resistance and judicial response depend on the institutional set-up of the human rights regime in question as well as the ways in which international courts exercise their review powers. The two phenomena influence and reinforce each other, resulting in the simultaneous or consecutive occurrence of various forms of authoritarian resistance and judicial response depending on the particular political context in which they interact.

Learning from Civil Society Actors in Turkey: Using Transitional Justice in an Ongoing Conflict

ABSTRACT∞ This article examines the role of civil society in the implementation of transitional justice in Turkey’s ongoing Kurdish conflict, which is characterized by historical state violence and a lack of official transitional justice processes. Drawing on 24 interviews, the research reveals the evolution of civil society engagement from its peak during the 2013–2015 peace process to its decline under increasing authoritarianism. The research argues that, despite challenges, civil society retains the potential to drive incremental change in the absence of formal transitional justice mechanisms. However, the authoritarian regime has significantly curtailed its capacity, creating a limited civic space for transitional justice. The article highlights the need for stronger links between civil society in Turkey and international transitional justice scholarship. Such collaboration could empower activists, enabling them to overcome challenges and increase their effectiveness. Turkey offers a unique case for transitional justice scholars and practitioners to learn from civil society actors committed to pursuing justice.

Negotiating gender during times of crisis in the Islamic Republic of Iran: visual propaganda from the Iran–Iraq War to COVID-19

ABSTRACT This article addresses the representation and negotiation of gender norms in visual iconography in the Islamic Republic of Iran against the backdrop of the master narrative of the Iran–Iraq War (1980–88), which serves as a prefigurative image repertoire for propaganda and regime messaging in the post-war period. Drawing on images from the war itself and after, the article presents a historical perspective on the dynamics of representing prototypical gender roles, not only in relation to war but labour and industry as well. The article also highlights how gender roles were renegotiated in state propaganda during the COVID-19 pandemic, which includes the depiction of female martyrs defending the nation. However, despite the capability of state propaganda to renegotiate gender norms, this process remains circumscribed by the mechanisms of masculine myth-making and the male archetype of the martyr. In effect, such processes do not connote gender equality but rather unmask discourses on female martyrdom as double-edged: While agency in history is ascribed to women, the logic of the gender hierarchy is reified at the same time. Such observations regarding state-sponsored visual iconography in contemporary Iran contribute to the study of propaganda techniques used by authoritarian regimes.

The Challenge of Political Will, Global Democracy and Environmentalism

 In 2024, around the world nearly 60 national elections will be held involving billions of people. Many commentators see this as a make-or-break moment in terms of re-establishing democracy and pushing back against rising authoritarian regimes that have been increasing in recent years. This essay explores why –despite worldwide scientific consensus that we are facing ecological collapse –there is little discussion about the climate crisis among the upcoming wave of national elections. This silence around the climate emergency raises several pressing questions: Why is there limited political will on behalf of national leaders when it comes to mitigating the climate crisis? What does this suggest about the state of democracy when political leaders can sidestep and ignore the escalating demands of their constituencies? Finally, what actions can be taken by ordinary people who are increasingly subject to repressive anti-protest laws that prevent them from speaking out against antidemocratic leaders and their political collusion with the fossil fuel sector?

Interactions and Interferences of Italian and German Nationalist Regimes in Asia during the Interwar Period (1928–1937)

This article presents a comprehensive narration and interpretation of the political relations between nationalist regimes in Asia and Europe during the interwar history from 1928 to 1937. Authoritarian regimes with political affinities and similar autarchic economic strategies created the ground for an unprecedented collaboration among governments situated on the opposite side of the world. China, Italy, Germany had a prolonged political, military and economic dialogue which lasted for almost a decade and involved the active mediation of political leaders, scholars and highly professional military officers. The interaction with Japan disrupted that partnership and finally changed the perspectives of the strategic alliance. Ultimately, affinities and disagreements among these governments were relevant in leading the world into the abyss of the Second World War. The preparation of this article is supported by primary sources consulted at diplomatic and historical archives and historical literature written in three languages (English, German, and Italian).

State regulation in the law enforcement system sphere as a tool for resolution of a conflict of interest in society

Motivation: The law enforcement system of the state is a special component of ensuring the performance of state functions related to the security of society. The study of the law enforcement system is impossible without studying the interests intertwined in its tasks, principles and functions. Aim: The purpose of the research was to study the key areas of the state policy implementation in law enforcement, ensuring public order and combating crime. Results: Based on the results of the study, the development of the doctrine of state policy in the field of transformation of the law enforcement system in the context of the theory of interest is substantiated. The origins of interest in the public administration system are established and the order of their formalization in law is justified. The substantive characteristics of private, public and community interests are determined, which serve as the basis for forming a law enforcement system to ensure their satisfaction. A hypothesis has been put forward and proved that the satisfaction of interests through their formalization in law and protection in the law enforcement system depends on the current political regime in a particular country. The conducted analysis of dictatorial regimes testifies to the replacement of the concepts of public interest with the private interest of the dictator, which as a result leads to threats to society in a particular country. The manifestation of the law enforcement system in the context of the theory of interests is determined, including: 1) an instrument for the protection and settlement of all interests; 2) a system of intersection of agents' interests; 3) an instrument for narrowing private interests.

A Decade after the Arab Revolutions: Reflections on the Evolution of Questions about the SWANA Region

On 17 December 2010, the self-immolation of a young street vendor in Sidi Bouzid, a town in inland Tunisia, instigated the uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring or the Arab Revolutions – a wording that I will use here as a translation from the Arabic al-thawrât al-`arabiyya. Observers were shocked at the radical protests arising in these regions, where authoritarian regimes had crushed all serious opposition over the decades. Conflicts governed by geopolitics, in particular the ongoing Israeli–Arab and Israeli–Palestinian hostilities, and the focus on political Islam and jihadism as the only globalized locus of political protest, have arrogated any attention for societies, their transformation, and their mobilization.

The Iranian policy advisory system: Contained politicisation and emerging technicisation

AbstractA lot of literature on policy advisory systems (PASs) is based on Western liberal democracies, with scant attention paid to policymaking systems in authoritarian regimes. This paper examines the Iran's PAS and how it has changed between 1989 and 2023. The paper documents four distinctive phases in Iran's PAS: in‐house ‘institutionalisation’, transitional ‘politicisation’, technocratic ‘externalisation’, and ‘technicisation’. We examine 16 representative advisory organisations (1989–2023) and show that while the Iranian PAS is well institutionalised and increasingly becoming externalised, there is still a tradition of centralisation and limited bureaucratic openness. Further, Iran's PAS has become less political due to constitutional preferences preventing advisory organisations from dealing with politically sensitive issues, as well as the decline of political party traditions and institutions. Finally, the paper concludes with a discussion of the emerging ‘technicisation’ of Iran's PAS, indicating an expansion of and reliance on technology‐assisted tools and instruments by advisory organisations.Points for practitioners Regardless of differences in political systems, policy advisory systems are an indispensable part of public policymaking machinery. To enhance the quality of public policies, policymakers should support a diversified and competent advisory system. To keep externalised organisations alive and effective, they must be supported by public measures and protected by a legal framework. A form of technocratic‐political balance in PAS is necessary. A well‐developed policy advisory system not only includes non‐partisan and technocratic advisory institutions, it also consists of politicised institutions providing political advice for policymakers too.

Faith, politics, and power: The evolution of secularism and authoritarianism in Bangladesh

AbstractThis third article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the intricate interplay between secularism, religious sentiment, and authoritarian politics in postindependence Bangladesh. Despite being founded on secular principles in 1971, the notion of Bangladesh as a strictly secular state is challenged. This article contends that while secularism was enshrined as a foundational state principle, its imposition occurred top‐down, diverging from prevailing societal ethos. The immediacy of the public backlash following its inclusion compelled ruling elites to adopt religion‐sensitive policies. I assert that the widespread religiosity among the populace steered subsequent political decisions. Notably, the shift from secularism to state‐sponsored Islam, the elevation of Islamic figures to cabinet roles, the recognition of Qawmi madrassa credentials, and the proliferation of Islamic rhetoric ensued. Analyzing a blend of archival data and field interviews, the article argues that the current authoritarian regime, emerging from an unconsolidated democratic framework, strategically exploits Islam as a political tool for legitimacy. By tapping into the prevailing Islamic sentiment, the regime aims to solidify its hold on power and navigate the complex political landscape of contemporary Bangladesh.

Experimentalist governance under hierarchy through leading small groups: a solution to power fragmentation?

ABSTRACT Taking policy experimentation in several selected pilot sites as test beds prior to the implementation nationwide has emerged as a notable phenomenon amidst China’s reform trajectories. However, the country’s combined party-state authoritarian governance structure and relatively fragmented bureaucratic system have presented challenges to this experimentation process. This paper investigates the dynamic interplay between experimentalist governance and hierarchy in China by examining how hierarchical controls facilitate the implementation of experimentalist practice in the case of Wujin rural land reform. It reveals that the establishment of leading small groups (LSGs) at each administrative layer has aided in the materialization of local experimentation by enhancing the bargaining power of lower-level governmental entities and streamlining the vertical communication process across the lengthy administrative hierarchies. This mechanism also mitigates regulatory gaps among different branches of governmental departments responsible for land resources management. The political design of LSGs manifests the Chinese central government’s strategic commitment to promoting experimentalist governance while exerting careful control over the varied sub-national implementation practices, exemplifying the increasing feature of top-level design in China’s current policy experimentation and governance efforts.

Introduction to the special issue: Authoritarianism and religion in South Asia: Trends and twists

AbstractReligious sentiments have become a potent tool for political elites, altering national identities and citizenship criteria. This manipulation, driven by majoritarian ideologies, has marginalized religious minorities, leading to discrimination, violence, and legal persecution against them. Hindu, Islamic, and Buddhist nationalisms seem to collectively erode secular democracy in South Asia. Moreover, right‐wing populist leaders, notably Modi in India and the Rajapaksas in Sri Lanka, have merged religious nationalism with authoritarian political orientations posing a challenge to democratic foundations and impacting significantly on the dynamics of state and societal relations. This is the context in which this World Affairs 2024 special issue delves into the relationship(s) between religion, politics, and authoritarianism in the South Asian region. It examines the evolving “religion‐politics” nexus or “complex” to explicate the relationship between religion and authoritarianism, particularly with respect to authoritarian governments mobilizing religion as a readily available resource for popular political mobilization, legitimization, and power consolidation. India's BJP employs Hindutva ideology to marginalize minorities, Bangladesh's regime uses Islam for political legitimacy, and Sri Lanka's Sinhala‐Buddhist nationalism fosters exclusionary policies. By fostering social and cultural polarization, this fusion of authoritarianism with religious nationalism poses a serious challenge to the secular state. The articles in this special issue explore these themes comprehensively, delving into the ideological foundations of political decisions and their consequences for marginalized communities. By shedding light on this multifaceted interplay, the collection offers valuable insights into South Asia's sociopolitical landscape, serving as a vital resource for scholars, policy makers, and global observers seeking to understand the region's complex dynamics.

‘Adopt your city’: Post-political geographies and politics of urban philanthropy during austerity

Over the last decade, urban philanthropic giving has acquired an increased significance for cities, shaping urban agendas and affecting local decision-making. Contributing to the emerging geographical literature on the impact of philanthropy on urban governance as well as to scholarship on post-foundational geographies, I argue that urban philanthropic giving is related to a post-political regime of multi-stakeholder urban governance. Contrary to being a linear process of managerial consensus politics, the post-politicisation of urban governance emerges as a multidimensional and variegated process of mutations and adaptations. Drawing from Athens, Greece, in the austerity period, I trace the emergence of a new donor-based philanthrocapitalist regime of urban governance and I demonstrate that post-political governance can take diverse forms: from the well-described in existing literature inclusive partnership-based approach to more authoritarian consensus-based governance processes. The aim of the paper is not just to answer if philanthrocapitalism gives rise to a post-political condition or not, but to explore how it is making and remaking (post-political) urban governance of public spaces, urban politics and urban everyday life. In doing so, the paper focuses on Athens Partnership, an intermediate governance organisation that was established to manage and support donations from the private sector to local governments in Athens and explores the ways urban philanthropy impacts on urban governance. Overall, the paper brings forward a renewed, more enmeshed understanding of post-political urban governance through an analysis of the novel philanthrocapitalist regime that emerged in European cities in the context of the recent intersecting crises.

Competitive yet unfair: May 2023 elections and authoritarian resilience in Turkey

ABSTRACT On May 14, Turkish voters headed to the polls to vote for presidential and parliamentary elections. This was the most challenging race yet for authoritarian populist Erdoğan, as the ongoing economic crisis and deadly earthquakes severely diminished his performance legitimacy. Moreover, the opposition parties united against his regime by rallying behind a joint presidential candidate. However, Erdoğan turned the tables on the opposition and won the presidential race for a third consecutive term while his electoral bloc secured a majority in the parliament. This paper analyses the context and results of Turkey’s 2023 twin elections. We highlight the features of the competitive authoritarian regime, Erdoğan’s religio-nationalist electoral strategy, and the opposition’s fragile state and weak strategy to explain Erdoğan’s electoral resilience.

Soldier Defection as a Revolutionary Strategy in Myanmar

The military coup in Myanmar on February 1, 2021 unleashed massive popular uprising against military rule, which was met with heavy handed military violence. Less than a month after the coup the first soldiers joined the civil disobedience movement (CDM) along with many civil servants who refused to work under the military. The resistance to the military was soon named the Spring Revolution, with calls for pervasive transformation of Myanmar’s political structures and security forces. Military defections gradually developed into a “revolutionary strategy.” This article explores how this development evolved and how defectors were transformed into “revolutionary actors” during the ongoing revolutionary situation. The analysis is based on the personal narratives and collective activities of those soldiers who became active in the CDM. Applying a conversion narrative approach, the article traces the processes of defection from individual disaffection with military violence to the formation of CDM soldier groups and the personal transformation of soldiers. Adding to existing literature on military defections during popular uprisings against authoritarian regimes, the article demonstrates that defection holds significance not only for the outcomes of revolutions, but also for the shaping of revolutionary ideas and practices during revolutionary situations.

Historical Perspective of Industrial Relationship in Nigeria

This study provides a comprehensive examination of the evolution of industrial relations in Nigeria, tracing its historical development from the colonial era through post-independence fluctuations, military rule, structural adjustments, and contemporary global influences. It highlights the interplay between colonial legacies, nationalism, authoritarian governance, economic liberalisation, and globalisation in shaping Nigeria's labour landscape. Analysing the various eras—Colonial, Post-Independence, Military Interregnum, Structural Adjustment, Return to Democracy, and Contemporary Global Influences—the study underscores the dynamic interactions among government policies, employer strategies, labour union activities, and international forces. It delves into the challenges of political interference, corruption, legal inadequacies, global labour standards, and economic transformations. The study emphasises the importance of resilience, adaptability, and collaborative dialogue in navigating the complexities of industrial relations towards ensuring labour equity and economic progress in Nigeria's continuously evolving socio-economic.